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Sunday 1 April 2018

Macron reform drive is make-or-break for French unions

Facing a wave of reforms by President Emmanuel Macron touching nearly every aspect of daily life, French unions kick off a wave of strikes Tuesday that analysts say will test how much weight they still carry.


Facing a wave of reforms by President Emmanuel Macron touching nearly every aspect of daily life, French unions kick off a wave of strikes Tuesday that analysts say will test how much weight they still carry.

Workers at the state rail operator SNCF will start downing tools two days out of every five -- a strategy aimed at limiting lost wages -- but the disruptions are likely to spill over into non-strike days as well.

They are demanding that they keep their right to a job for life and early retirement, and opposing a corporate revamp seen as the first step toward privatisation.

French law requires a minimum service during strikes, but SNCF chief Guillaume Pepy warned in the Journal Du Dimanche Sunday paper that some lines could be closed altogether.

"There will be very few trains from the evening of April 2 to the morning of April 5," said Pepy, who earlier warned that just "one train in five or one in eight" would be running.

Transport minister Elisabeth Borne, interviewed in the Sunday version of the Parisien, didn't mince her words calling the industrial action "incomprehensible".

"I frankly deplore this strike which is very punitive for the travelling public." she said.

Comparisons with Thatcher

Rail workers will be joined by striking rubbish collectors in Paris and other major cities who demand the creation of a national waste service as well as the right to early retirement.

Electricity and gas employees will also launch strike action, though it was unclear what the consequences might be for their customers.

The protests, which the SNCF has vowed to pursue for three months, follows a series of one-day strikes against Macron's multi-front reform drive.

Unions have so far failed to block any of the shake-ups made by the centrist leader since his election last year, a victory that virtually swept away the Socialist Party, long their political champion.

But by taking on the SNCF, a totem of French unionism, Macron has inevitably drawn comparisons to a previous turning point in Europe's industrial relations: Margaret Thatcher's showdown with British coal miners in 1984.

Macron may also be taking a page from former German chancellor Gerhard Schroeder, who overruled opponents in his own leftist party in the early 2000s to enact labour and welfare reforms that set the stage for an economic rebound.

'Knocking over everything'

Yet Macron is also seizing his own particularly French moment, promising to push through the SNCF overhaul by decree before summer.

"His tactical approach is working. By constantly opening new fronts, he renders opposition to the previous one obsolete," said political expert Philippe Braud.

With French opinion divided between "resignation" and "deep conviction that things must move forward," Braud said, "the planets were aligned: So many reforms have been aborted over the past 20 years".

But France's union landscape has shifted markedly, with the hard-line CGT recently dethroned as the biggest player by the more moderate CFDT, which has refused calls for a "convergence" of the various protests.

Membership has also plummeted in line with the decline in heavy industry, with just over 11 percent of French workers unionised according to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, one of the lowest levels in the EU.

Unions have nonetheless continued to punch above their weight, and even the CFDT chief Laurent Berger has warned Macron against "knocking over everything", describing his method as "You discuss, I decide".

'Political UFO'


For Braud, that decisiveness is exactly why Macron "has a good chance of succeeding with a new wave of reforms" despite weeks of protests that could spell misery for millions of commuters.


Fresh on the heels of pushing through controversial relaxations of France's strict labour rules, Macron appears eager to take advantage of his momentum.

He is also a "smart communicator" who has orchestrated "a semantic shift: reform is presented as modern," said Isabelle Clavel, a historian at Montaigne University in Bordeaux.

Macron's path has also been cleared by the "collapse of traditional parties" and his emergence as "a sort of political UFO" capable of convincing voters that his reforms will pay off.

Before that happens, however, Macron will face off with unions anxious to show they won't be pushed to the sidelines.

CGT head Philippe Martinez, whose union is the biggest at the SNCF, said this week that France was poised for another May 1968, when a series of strikes snowballed into a social revolution.


Fifty years ago, "There was no general call for a strike, but a chain reaction of mobilisations that came together," Martinez told L'Humanite newspaper.
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20 years after Viagra, Pfizer seeks another miracle drug

It has been 20 years since Viagra was introduced, and Pfizer is still searching for another drug with as much earning power as the revolutionary blue erection pill.




If anything, the chances for another miracle drug may be waning as the pharmaceutical giant constrains its research and development budget amid broader cost-cutting efforts.
Pfizer forecasts it will spend $7.4 to $7.9 billion this year on R&D, compared with $7.7 billion last year, according to projections released in February.
That is below the R&D of rivals such as Merck and Johnson & Johnson, which plan more than $10 billion in spending.
Pfizer's restraint means walking away from entire areas of medical research.
In January, the world's number two pharmaceutical company by sales ended its research programs into treatments for Alzheimer's and Parkinson's, cutting 300 jobs and saying it would reinvest the funds in other domains.
Pfizer also signaled it could sell its consumer healthcare business, which includes popular over-the-counter products such as the anti-inflammatory drug Advil, multivitamin Centrum and the ubiquitous ChapStick lip balm.
Sharing the risks
Pharmaceutical R&D is a tricky business in the United States, where there is extensive clinical testing and back-and-forth with the Food and Drug Administration before introducing a new drug.
Once launched, pharma companies also are under increased pressure to keep drug costs low following a number of controversies over runaway pill prices.
The cost of bringing a new drug to market requires an average of $2.6 billion, according to the Tufts Center for the Study of Drug Development.
That's a heavy investment considering that in the last 20 years there have been just 19 treatments that have generated at least $1 billion in annual revenue for their first five years, according to the QuintilesIMS Institute, a health care data and research company.
Against this backdrop, Pfizer has increasingly opted for a model where it shares the risks and benefits with other drug makers.
It has announced strategic partnerships with Merck and Bristol-Myers Squibb, while also collaborating with biotechs and university researchers in areas such as oncology and immunology.
Pfizer also finances some research through a venture capital-type unit, Pfizer Venture Investments.
Acquisitions
Pfizer has had other highly lucrative drugs besides Viagra, including the anti-cholesterol drug Lipitor, the anti-depressant Zoloft and the anti-inflammatory drug Celebrex.
The company said it is confident of future success.
"Our current pipeline is poised with an opportunity to deliver up to an additional 15 potential blockbusters over the next five years," a Pfizer spokesman said.
The spokesman noted that the company's R&D budget has been "very consistent" at around $7.65 billion the last three years.
But revenue dropped slightly last year to $52.5 billion. While the group expects sales to rise in 2018, at most it would go up just five percent, according to company projections.
Key challenges include the arrival of new generic products and the growth of the biosimilar market, which allows for substitutes to traditional drugs.
The arrival of biosimilars in Europe has cut into sales of the anti-inflammatory drug Enbrel and Viagra itself has seen revenue drop as generics have been launched in the US and Europe.
Wall Street analysts consider Pfizer a likely candidate for a mega merger. Pfizer's efforts at giant takeovers of AstraZeneca and Allergan may have fizzled, but it has bought smaller companies in the very recent past.
In 2016, Pfizer acquired Medivation and Anacor, which added to its portfolio Xtandi and Eucrisa, treatments for prostate cancer and eczema.
In 2015, Pfizer supplemented its own biosimilar business with the purchase of Hospira.
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Martin Luther King Jr. quotes

Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated 50 years ago -- on April 4, 1968 -- in Memphis, Tennessee.


Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated 50 years ago -- on April 4, 1968 -- in Memphis, Tennessee.

Here are some of the most memorable quotes of the US civil rights leader known for his soaring rhetoric:

On racism

"I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character."

August 23, 1968 at the "March on Washington"

On the Vietnam War

"I oppose the war in Vietnam because I love America. I speak out against this war, not in anger, but with anxiety and sorrow in my heart, and, above all, with a passionate desire to see our beloved country stand as the moral example of the world. I speak out against this war because I am disappointed with America. And there can be no great disappointment where there is not great love."

April 30, 1967, Riverside Church, New York

On his legacy

"Yes, if you want to say that I was a drum major, say that I was a drum major for justice. Say that I was a drum major for peace. I was a drum major for righteousness. And all of the other shallow things will not matter."

February 4, 1968, Ebenezer Baptist Church, Atlanta, Georgia

"The ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of convenience and comfort, but where he stands in moments of challenge and controversy."

King's 1963 book "Strength to Love"

On good and evil

"I believe that unarmed truth and unconditional love will have the final word in reality. This is why right, temporarily defeated, is stronger than evil triumphant."

December 10, 1964, Nobel Peace Prize acceptance speech, Oslo, Norway

His final speech

"Well, I don't know what will happen now; we've got some difficult days ahead. But it really doesn't matter with me now. Because I've been to the mountaintop. I don't mind. Like anybody, I would like to live a long life. Longevity has its place. But I'm not concerned about that now. I just want to do God's will. And He's allowed me to go up to the mountain. And I've looked over. And I've seen the promised land. I may not get there with you. But I want you to know tonight, that we, as a people will get to the promised land. So I'm happy, tonight. I'm not worried about anything. I'm not fearing any man. Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord."


April 3, 1968, Bishop Charles Mason Temple, Memphis, Tennessee
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Martin Luther King Jr: the dream, the man, the legacy

Towards the end of his life, Martin Luther King Jr. lamented that his dream had "turned into a nightmare."


The US civil rights leader was a weary man when he was cut down by an assassin's bullet at the age of 39 on the balcony of a motel in Memphis, Tennessee on April 4, 1968.

He was also a controversial man -- unlike the iconic figure celebrated today with a national holiday and an imposing granite memorial in Washington.

"He's become frozen in time -- not as the man he was in 1968, but in the image of August 1963 when he gives the 'I Have a Dream' speech," said David Farber, a history professor at the University of Kansas.

"It's easy for Americans to forget how polarizing a figure King actually was in the 1960s," Farber said.

"He'd become a really radical figure in the United States -- an outspoken opponent of American foreign policy, demanding that justice extend not just to African-Americans but to all poor Americans."


A seminal moment came in April 1967, when King made a speech in New York opposing the war in Vietnam, where more than 11,000 US troops were to die that year.



"King raised the ire of the entire civil rights movement and of government and much of the political structure when he came out against the Vietnam War," said Henry Louis Taylor Jr., director of the Center for Urban Studies at the University of Buffalo.

David Garrow, author of "Bearing the Cross: Martin Luther King Jr., and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference," said opposition to the war was seen as "fringe" at the time, and anti-war sentiment was "not widely popular like it is, say, come 1972."

'Beyond civil rights'

At the time of his murder by James Earl Ray, a white drifter with racist leanings, King had also been living for years under the constant surveillance of the FBI, which had dubbed him the "most dangerous" man in America.


And his unwavering defense of non-violence as the way to bring about change was facing a challenge from a younger, impatient generation of militant black youth.



"The final 12 months of his life, King is so exhausted, so pessimistic about the future, so depressed," Garrow said. "A dozen or more times in his final two years, he says 'The dream I had in Washington in 1963 has turned into a nightmare.'"

"One of the things we miss about King is how hard it was to do the work he's doing, the toll it takes," said Jeanne Theoharis, a political science professor at CUNY's Brooklyn College.

"How much hate, how much opposition he's facing, and how some of that is in the form of horrible violence," said Theoharis, author of "A More Beautiful and Terrible History: The Uses and Misuses of Civil Rights History."

Fifty years after his death, the vision of racial equality that King outlined on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial remains elusive.

Jason Sokol, a history professor at the University of New Hampshire, said there have been some advances for African-Americans over the years, culminating in the 2008 election of Barack Obama, American's first black president.

But racial inequalities persist, "especially when you look at black poverty, the black incarceration rate and the issue of police brutality," said Sokol, author of "The Heavens Might Crack: The Death and Legacy of Martin Luther King Jr."

Taylor, the University of Buffalo professor, stressed that by the time of his death, King's ambitions had gone "beyond civil rights to embrace human rights."


"King's dream was anchored around imagining another possible world based on economic, social, political and racial justice -- things related to a good education, decent and affordable housing, good jobs with a living wage, quality and accessible health care," he said.



"So when we add flesh to King's dream, we realize that we haven't really made much progress over the last 50 years in the realization of that dream," he said.

"While certainly there have been changes in the racial attitudes of individuals, the racism that is embedded in institutions and in structures in the United States has not changed much at all."

King's legacy

At the same time, King's legacy looms large in myriad ways.

"King said in his Nobel Prize lecture in 1964 that the Freedom Movement was spreading the widest liberation in human history," said Taylor Branch, author of "America in the King Years," a trilogy about King's life and the civil rights era.

"He was referring to worldwide and not just for black people," said Branch, an executive producer of the documentary "King in the Wilderness" which airs on HBO on Monday.

"In many respects it has succeeded beyond his imagination," Branch said.

"I don't think -- at a time when homosexual behavior was not talked about but was even criminal -- he would have dreamed we would have marriage equality," Branch said. "Or a black president. Or all the gains that have been accrued for women."

King's legacy can also be seen in the Black Lives Matter campaign against police violence and other movements for social justice, Taylor said.


"Most recently you saw it in the 'March for Our Lives' in which millions of kids all over the country took to the streets," he said.



"I'm extremely optimistic that out there we're seeing a new generation of folks in this country who are resurrecting the notion of King's dream," he said.

One of those kids at the March for Our Lives was King's nine-year-old granddaughter Yolanda Renee, who galvanized the crowd by recalling his most famous words.


"I have a dream that enough is enough," she said. "And that this should be a gun-free world, period."
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